The losers win in European democracies

In Berlin, the Social Democratic Party, which took a drubbing in recent elections, dominates the governing program of the coming four years. Policies that were rejected by the majority of voters will continue with some lukewarm adjustments. Likewise, in Paris, President Emmanuel Macron, having lost center and left voters in the last French national elections, has devised a cunning cooperation in most electoral districts which results in over-representation of the left in parliament.

The popular wish for a change from proven unsuccessful technocratic policies is being frustrated in both countries. Although constitutionally possible, such moves really damage democracy and the interests of the “res publica.”

In this February’s national elections in Germany, the clear verdict of the voters was to eliminate the incumbent three-party coalition led by the Social Democrats. This government, in power for the last three years, has failed on most issues. They are a slave to their ideologically driven policies, the incompetence of their cabinet members and the broad inactivity of the chancellor. The resulting picture was embarrassing.

The Social Democrats lost more than a third of their previous support and slid to 16 percent, becoming number-three in vote share. The Christian Democrats, with close to 30 percent of the vote (still not a stellar result considering the situation of general dissatisfaction), became the strongest party.

The real winner was the Alternative fur Deutschland (AfD), a rather nationalistic party that is labeled populist and right wing. The party became the second largest in parliament with around 20 percent of the votes. The two parties on the left − actually successors of the communist party that dominated in Eastern Germany in the years before reunification − also gained.

Hopes and realities

During the campaign the Christian Democrats promised something approaching disruptive change, concerning debt control, migration and bureaucracy. Yet the clear promise on the debt issue was broken even before the start of coalition negotiations. The head of the Christian Democrats and likely next German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has lost a lot of respect.

People wanted the end of an era of politics that − sold remarkably well as stability by former Chancellor Angela Merkel − was actually stagnation. This was coupled with populist policies in the areas of energy, political intervention in industrial sectors such as automotive, irresponsible migration practices, rising bureaucracy and a full neglect of internal and external security.

Mr. Merz was successful in the election because he was promising change and was a known adversary of Ms. Merkel. But he has now made crucial mistakes, which can be understood only if we assume that his main drive was not necessarily Germany’s security and prosperity, but the pure desire to have the power of the chancellorship.

First, he broke the promise to keep the deficit under control. This and a few other issues voters wanted eliminated were used to bribe the Social Democrats into a coalition. Especially critical was that the Greens in the outgoing parliament where they, along with the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats, constitute the two-thirds majority necessary to break the deficit limit, were given 100 billion euros for green projects to bring about the constitutional change allowing further excessive debt.

The biggest blunder of the Merz leadership was the pledge to uphold the brandmauer, the firewall preventing any collaboration with the AfD, even supporting sound ideas. As a result, the second-largest party with a share of more than 20 percent has been excluded from any collaboration, let alone the coalition, which will only help to strengthen them. This, however, gave the Social Democrats all means necessary to push through their ideological agenda.

The day after the coalition agreement was published, speaking about her old foe, Friedrich Merz, Ms. Merkel said: “He has an absolute will for power” and, “What stood between us a little was simply the fact, which happens quite often in life, that we both wanted to be boss.” Thus, the old, bankrupt system might prevail.

The situation in France is similar. The new government is weak and the general policy in a country close to default is “kicking the can down the road.”

The issue of the “national right,” which is so despised by the political establishment yet continuously makes gains in France, Germany and other European countries, is a problem of so-called “liberal democracy.”

Getting back to civil society

The label “liberal” in this case does not correspond at all with classical liberalism, which places the individual with freedom, dignity and responsibility at the center of an orderly political framework. This tradition created a strong public sphere.

The liberal democracy of today unfortunately focuses on collectivism, an overpowering state and erosion of individual freedom, coupled with entrenched antagonizing behavior. Brutal and widely arbitrary tax practices, coupled with inflation, are jeopardizing middle-class stability.

Social, ethnic and regional harmonization on the lowest common denominator is destructive.

The only way out will be disruption, shaking the system, shedding the damaging ideologies of expediency and finding the way back to a robust civil society.

This comment was originally published here: https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/the-losers-win/